Posted by: ravikant | 9 November 2006

The Dalit ‘Betrayal’ of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan

Karan Thapar of CNBC -TV18 recently presented a half-hour debate on whether Dalits have a better future adopting English rather than one of the so many Indian languages. Some of us followed it keenly because we knew where it was comig from and also the dramatis personae – Chandrabhan Prasad(CP), Yogendra Yadav(YY) and Alok Rai(AR) – all very dear friends, and people who have been deeply engaged with the politics and practice of languages in North India. It was a one-sided debate from the moment it started: clear victory to Chandrabhan Prasad from the word go, first of all, because he had managed to pitchfork his provocative stance into a full scale discussion in the national press and the big media. Think about it: it has taken him just three consecutive annual Macaulay’s birthday parties to friends, to bring it to the attention of a much wider number of intellectuals and a larger public. It was a victory for his own brand of Gandhigiri – that you could very much debate and advance your cause while having fun: ‘chicken, mutton, daaru and daliton ki kuchh samasyayein’ is his style, in his own inimitable words. This is not to say that he does not believe in agitational politics. He does that as well.The debate was also one-sided because CP’s interlocutors did not have convincing answers to his extremist views on language and religion and the coupling of the two, which had to inevitably sneak into the discussion, considering en mass dalit conversions were fresh in media memory. For example, when Karan Thapar probed CP on why he suggested Dalits take flight from Hindi and Hinduism; was it because he hated Hinduism? CP had perhaps an obvious but pithy answer: I did not choose to hate Hinduism, Hinduism never loved me!YY and AR looked aghast and betrayed at the idea of rejecting Indian languages, for Dalits, after all, were communicatively, politically and experientially rooted in these languages, beginning with Marathi, most of the(autobiographical) dalit literature was written in indian languages. They went on, the NRI example of turning away from one’s language is not a healthy one: look how they have all become Hindutva supporters, etc. etc. CP of course rubbished this secular middle class sentimentalism by citing Ambedkar’s example, that he always wrote in English and he did so knowing very well that it is not the Dalits who would read him!

I loved this debate because I generally like it when I am rendered speechless by good political arguments or situations, when my intellectual resources simply run dry! But this particular debate tickled me more since it was a revisit, a moment of deja vu for me. I was caught in a similar situation with CP on the same issue of language and politics when Nivedita Menon called us together to a refresher course lecture at DU, braving academic and other objections. I had been to CP’s party earlier that year and was aware of his new found love for Macaulay. He had in fact circulated some pages from his (in)famous Minutes and my task, I thought, was cut out: I reread Macaulay, and disgusted as I was with his Orientalist take on Indian language literatures, I thought I would I argue my case against CP or, at the very least, maintain a critical distance from his position. As it happened, he was the first speaker and he spoke intermittently, amidst widespread and loud murmurs of discontent from the audience. I knew this audience very well - they were mostly upper caste north Bihar, most of them having passed through DU Political Science exams in English medium. So in the Q n A session, they launched into a virulent defence of the national languages, which basically meant Hindi in this context. So when my turn came, I had to do a mental turn around and defend CP all the way against the marauding hypocrisy of the DU lecturers!

My other drishtant is also from an academic encounter with reflections on Dalit issues. The setting was last year’s Labour History Conference and I was called upon to discuss a paper on Dalit notions of work. I had not read much of dalit autobiographies till then, so I did a bit of homework. The paper was not a bad one, it did talk about work as we understand it in the paradigm of Marxian economics, and so on. But that is not the sense I got from reading Akkarmashi, and I had to say that the book was not talking about work but worklessness and a series of failed struggles to find and create contexts for dignified work. Looking for (and living on) Uchhrishta (leftovers, literally, but ‘thrownarounds’ comes closer) food, cloth and house is not what we can define as work! The whole structure of the book - the language, texture, content and characters - demands another order of aesthetic tools. And it is crying out to be treated differently from the mainstream literature so neatly divided into chronologies named after great creative writers and poets so brilliantly speaking of the problems of their age!

These were signifcant encounters for me, reminders that I could not assume permanent connect with their ways of thinking and knowing, just because I happened to spend half my life with Dalits and went to SC/ST schools. Schools from which very few of my dalit friends made it past graduation or even 12th grade. I do not have them as common allumni friends, I do not know them anymore. All I know is that one reason they could not make it bigger in life was ‘English’, which comes not only with basic schooling but with whole lot of other kinds of cultural capital. So I quite undertand the compulsions of this dalit ‘betrayal’, even if it goes against their hitherto preferred language of narrative creativity.

One silver lining in the televised debate came towards the end – when YY argued for multilingual learning rather than abandoning one for the other. Dare I assume, CP would not object to that but it would definitely diminish performative affect that comes naturally when things are pitted in a stark binary contrast. The point has to be made first, nuances will follow.

There is definitely more to this debate and I hope all of us return to it. I definitely will.

Responses

That’s an excellent post, Ravikant. I think CBP saheb’s ‘Market, Macaulay and Modernity’ is the mirror-extreme of ‘Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan’. I completely agree with YY/you that multilingualism could be the way. There can’t be anything as subversive as a Dalit critique from within Indian languages.

Dear Friends,

I learnt yesterday (from SARAI readers’ list) about KAFILA. I am very happy to see this new blog. Please count me among your regular readers. My best wishes to KAFILA, to be successful in providing a healthy counter-point and critique to the mainstream media and discourse.

Best

rama
cuckooscall.blogspot.com

I agree with Shivam, this _is_ an excellent post!
Knowledge of the English is equated to job-worthiness and is usually linked to “status”.
But there is also this theory that things are best taught in the mother tongue of the people. That way, it facilitates learning, though it does not make them “worthy” of jobs. Also, there is always a fear that if the education is purely dispensed in the english medium, the vernacular languages would suffer and eventually become extinct from common usage like sanskrit has.
But teaching children two different languages, as is usually done in Indian education system seems to me a burden but it seems inevitable…

Thanks to a friend for directing me to this blog. My best wishes to those responsible. Thanks for setting up this forum.

The above post really gets to the heart of the matter, namely, the conflict between being “true” to one’s inherited identity and cultural legacy, on the one hand, and gaining access to the “cultural capital” necessary for social advancement in India today. English, no doubt, is key to the latter. This conflict is not a categorical (necessary) one, but this is how it does work out for most Dalits. Further, multilingualism is certainly the desired solution. And I think this brings us to a host of other questions. For instance, why do we have a stratified school system in which the “burden” of carrying on our linguistic traditions falls inordinately on those who cannot afford English-medium education? Stating the issue in terms of “betrayal” draws attention away from the real nature of the problem.

[...] In light of the two posts that have appeared on this blog on the peculiar politics of Chandrabhan Prasad, I reproduce below an essay I wrote for Himal Southasian a few months ago, and which CBP refused to respond to. The question of Dalit-Bhaujan unity, which is one of the points in Aditya’s succinct post, is by no means a simple one, and I do realise that I left it open-ended in this essay. But my point was more about reservations for OBCs and CBP’s opposition of it, than Dalit-Bahujan politics. Given that the two are not unrelated, I have been thinking a lot on this - Gopal Guru and Bhalchandra Mungekar are two amongst many who say that the OBCs need aan Ambedkarite political movement. Kancha Iliah and VT Rajshekhar are amongst the OBC thinkers who agree. But I don’t see that political movement happening anytime soon. Such political stagnation is another aspect of the demography-driven dalit politics. [...]

[...] Ever since Chandrabhan Prasad (CBP) embarked on his distinctive style of politics, he has really managed to annoy many self-proclaimed radicals. Ravikant’s earlier post on CBP’s recent salvo on deserting the vernacular and inhabiting the world of English language is in that sense really welcome, as it sets things in perspective. [...]

Excellent post Ravikant. Frantz Fanon felt that being colonized by a language had larger implications for one’s consciousness. To quote Fannon, “To speak . . . means above all to assume a culture, to support the weight of a civilization”.

Interesting that you quote Fanon, Tushar, because CBP’s making precisely the same point about the vernacular being ‘colonised’ by caste society, so to speak.

The vernacular is littered with words that uphold caste structures. They are so embedded in the fabric of teh vernacular that we (or atleast upper caste people) take it for granted and perpetuate the structures by the very act of using the vernacular in its present form.
At some point the vernacular was sought to be used as a prop to counter Macaulay’s orientalist view (which I believe was also dehumanising), but at the same time the vernacular itself is riddled with the same contradictions that it opposes.
What I meant by quoting Fannon was that when Dalits speak the vernacular they are all too aware that it props up the structure that consigns them to the bottom of the hierarchy and English is seen as liberation from the “weight of civilization”.

Exactly, so what next? CBP seems to suggest that the annihilation of the vernacular would be equal to the annihilation of caste. But isn’t “Jai Bhim,” for instance, born out of the same socio-cultural milieu, and yet subversive, anti-caste?

Sure, but how many people from the well off sections use “jai bhim”? In any case I don’t think CBP is suggesting annihilation of the vernacular, just that dalits abandon the vernacular and switch to English. My use and perception of the vernacular is a radically different experience from a dalit’s. For years I didn’t know that ‘Bhangi’ was a casteist slur, or that certain cuss words in Telugu were intended as general insults for an entire caste.

I am a bit confused about this bit about Franz Fanon: “To speak . . . means above all to assume a culture, to support the weight of a civilization” and its ready endorsement by Shivam.

I think the second part of Fanon’s formulation is highly suspect.

The idea of ‘vernacular being “colonized” by caste society’, though tenable, is neither homogenous nor rectilinear. There is a highly complex process of linguistic subsumptions and layerings at work and it would be futile to gloss over, for instance, the linguistic mimicry through which notions of ‘otherness’ are sought to be ‘neutralized’ and ‘dismantled’ within the dominant linguistic utopia. The fact, however, is that no society - more so if it is as viciously caste-driven as ours - is ever singularly utopic in its linguistic registers. To disregard its dystopic potentials is to trivialise its dialectic potential to grow.

I happen to stumble over Aditya Nigam’s comments on the subject a little late in the day. Says he with a patronising glee:

“The real point about CBPs politics that earnest radicals do not get is that irrespective of the substantive aspect/s of his argument, he is opening out a new way of enunciating a politics of the oppressed: anger and emotion are sublimated here into a performative excess, thus initiating a politics of irony and hyperbole.”

He is in fact asking us to read CBP not for what it says but to read it for where it comes from. The degree of ill-concealed hierarchic compassion in such a plea is tellingly problematic. I am with you but I am not. In any case I will find a way of being with you for I cannot afford to being not with you… as infinitum.

Interesting, I say!

[...] Let us start with a news that is a little old and was well covered in media for its absolute shock value. This is Chandra Bhan Prasad celebrating Lord Macaulay’s B’day in Delhi. Here is a follow up post from Kafila. If we are able to get over the sheer recklessness of the whole thing, there are a lot of questions that demand a better answer than those being provided by Prasad and Co. .Recently, there have been two interesting stories from the legal system of the country. The first is the announcement by Karunanidhi to make Tamil the official language of Madras High Court. It is also covered here, here and here. This is a continuation of his other steps to promote Tamil in all spheres of life. Here is a op-ed in ToI.The second is a decision by the Calcutta High Court that a dying declaration can be used as an evidence if it is recorded in victim’s mother tongue. Also covered here .Jharkhand announces introduction of tribal languages in schools.From Pakistan, murder of Urdu. [...]

Interesting post.

Vernacular languages do have an inherent casteism about them. My own mother tongue, marathi for instance. The marathi spoken by the brahmins is very different from the marathi spoken by dalits. And written marathi is usually brahminical. Which is what made Namdev Dhasal all the more significant.

And yes, English is an economic enabler in today’s India. And the limited reach of english is creating a new caste system. So the spread of english among dalits can help them economically and to blunt the new casteism of english.

Who coined the word “hindi hindu hindustan”.

BJP
Hindu Mahasabha
Vishwa Hindu Perishad
Shiv Sena

??

I shall be grateful

I wonder why we can’t have discussion on “why should brahmans learn English?” when Dalits start claiming the English space occuppied these “upper” castes, is s projectd as a “problem”
why do these people want dalits to be trapped in Hindi/marathi/bengali/tamil/malayalam/telugu…
Having said that I must make it clear that not only the domination of english but also the brahmincal coloniasation of regional languages has to be fought with

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